• Pakistan is in the midst of social, economic and political crisis.
    The parasitic nature of our elites means that the country
    continues to witness unprecedented economic decline with
    increasing unemployment and growing wealth inequality. At the
    social level, there is a growing conservative backlash against
    conceptions of human rights and civil liberties, in which these
    ideas are framed as Western agendas against our society.
    Finally, in politics we are witnessing attempts to completely
    decimate dissent by a praetorian state that wishes to impose a
    murderous uniformity upon the public.

Why do we need a
Party?

  • HKP Manifesto

These objective conditions are met by a subjective crisis, i.e.
that of political forces. Political parties have decayed over time
due to their compromises and their growing distance from
social movements and their own party workers. As a result, the
crises faced by Pakistan are now leading to perpetual chaos
without a resolution in sight, creating more disorientation and
disillusionment from politics.


  • Thus, we find ourselves in the midst of a ruthless counter-
    revolutionary violence perpetrated against progressive forces,
    but without a united revolutionary force taking on the
    reactionary forces. The result is that the counter-revolution is
    wiping out any trace of progressive legislation, history and even
    the imagination of an alternative possibility. It continues to
    divide people, separating them from their past and from each
    other, while strengthening the coercive apparatuses of the
    state.

Militarized Capitalism

The rise of the Pakistani military is directly linked to the nature of our country’s political economy. By emphasizing the intimate
connection between militarization and the economy, we avoid the trap of reducing our analysis to that between institutions and
ideologies. Institutional and ideological conflicts are a result of struggles emanating from the specific material conditions in
society that need to be addressed if we are to transform our politics.


Capitalism is often associated with the rise of modern democracy and doctrine of separation of powers as its forbearers directly
challenged the absolutism of monarchical states. In colonial societies, however, capitalism and modernization was imposed by
an alien state that exercised power through brute force. The British shaped an economy that was premised upon forceful
extraction of resources from the Indian colony, with particular exploitation of the local farmers. In order to quell dissent, a
militarized state was formed that could induce fear into locals through excessive use of force.


Moreover, the state used and even invented arcane distinctions based on religion, region and caste in order to strengthen
divisions within the Indian polity. As a result, we witnessed the rise of a militarized capitalism that was premised on the forceful
exploitation of the locals. Instead of liberty, we witnessed violence, in place of democracy we experience authoritarianism and in
the place of citizenship, we are forced into subjecthood.


This authoritarian structure was inherited by the post-colonial state. Progressive voices in the newly born Pakistan insisted that the
only way to bring democracy to the country was by organizing the masses and linking democratic reform with the socio-
economic uplift of the people. The post-colonial elites, however, were adamant that all pro-people promises made at the birth of
the state would be ignored in favor of the rule of an unaccountable elite. This included landlords, bureaucrats and military
officers who were trained in the art of “disciplining” internal populations. The desire of ruling elites to keep the public passive
paved the way for the rise of an authoritarian state with the military at the helm.



Rentier State

Pakistan found itself in the middle of a Cold War between the capitalist US and the socialist USSR. Instead of maintaining
neutrality, the Pakistani elites completely sided with the US to the point of becoming a proxy in the anti-Soviet crusade. At the
political level, this decision pushed Pakistan into a closer military alliance with the US, strengthening the position of the military
within Pakistan’s domestic politics.


Moreover, the Green Revolution and other World Bank funded plans ensured that class inequality grew exponentially in the
country, widening the gap between the haves and have-nots in society. This development was sustained with foreign funding,
pushing Pakistan into the vortex of debt-dependency.


Finally, Pakistan’s decision to enter proxy wars for the US resulted in support for extremist forces, particularly in Afghanistan. This
shortsighted policy led to a boomerang effect in which we witnessed the growing extremism and weaponization of
Pakistanisociety, with endless wars and the tearing apart of our social fabric.

Today, Pakistan is heavily indebted to International Financial Institutions, mass unemployment is rampant and the social sectors
are on the verge of collapse. The state appears powerless in front of its international backers but uses terroristic methods against
its own people. In an ironic twist, a state that has lost its sovereignty and remains at the behest of foreign powers regularly
invokes accusations of treason and sedition against those who criticize its anti-people policies. The reality is that our sovereignty
is a hoax, as the country remains chained to the interests of global capital and geostrategic agendas of super powers.


  • The only freedom that exists is the freedom of the ruling elites to oppress its citizens.

Nationalism

In order to suppress dissent, the Pakistani state resorted to an insular and punishing form of state-led nationalism that was
premised upon the denial of regional and class differences within the country. It repressed different nationalities in the name of
Islam and national security. The aim was to construct a new identity that fit the narratives of the ruling elites of the country. And
for what purpose? In order to ensure that Pakistan remains a rentier state, while its population continues to be disoriented and
subjected.


The imposition of a singular narrative created misgivings among peripheral nationalities since the inception of Pakistan. The aim
was to force people to conform to fictional identities by denying their own historical and cultural heritage. This suppression
coincided with massive economic exploitation of the resources of peripheral regions by the center in the name of development.
This development, however, ignored locals who were mired in poverty even as their resources were used to enrich those who
controlled the center. Whenever voices from the peripheries emerged against the extractive policies of the state, officials were
quick to denounce these dissenters as enemy agents. Some of the most important leaders from Bengal, Khyber Pukhtunkhwa,
Balochistan and Sindh were arrested, tortured and many were killed. Those in Punjab who stood with their brethren from the
peripheries were also declared traitors and faced many hardships.


The use of indigenous lands for resources and geostrategic games was met by increasing criticism from young people from the
peripheries, leading to increased agitation and confrontation. Since Pakistan’s elite-driven economy was premised upon violent
resource extraction and renting out its geography to the highest bidder, the state responded to popular unrest with military
violence. Over the past 7 decades, the military has been used multiple times against our own people, blurring the game between
terrorist and citizen, foreign enemy and internal dissenter. The increasing presence of the military to safeguard this decaying
system brings us back to the intimate link between colonialism, militarized capitalism and a rentier “post-colonial” state. This link
necessitates a politics that can grasp these disparate forms of oppression as different moments of a singular process that aims
to extract resources for the elites and impose a violent discipline upon the population. Authoritarianism, if not outright fascism, is
the ultimate destination of such a political project if not challenged.


Total Revolution

In order to fight this system, we require a political force that can mobilize the public on a program of radical redistribution. It must be a party that can fight both the causes of the crisis (political economy of militarized capitalism) and its effects (stifling of dissent). The only guarantee for overcoming this system is by a popular resistance that can fight both within and outside Parliament. The question of parliamentary politics can no longer be ignored by revolutionaries. The specific development of the parliamentary tradition within British India, the attempts to control the electoral process by the Colonial and post-colonial states, and the sacrifices of the people for restoration of democracy makes the electoral arena an important theater of political struggle. We should organize the party in such a manner that it can appeal to the broadest sections of society and cause electoral upsets in order to amplify the voices of grassroots movements.

On the other hand, we must never conflate parliamentary politics or even coming into government with actual power. True power always exceeds the legal and constitutional limits set within the state. The constellation of class forces and historically accumulated institutional power both nationally and internationally determine the nature of power in any given situation. In order to win parliamentary elections and defend gains made in the parliament, we will need extra-parliamentary strength. This means that the political party must situate itself in the midst of real existing struggles in society, including those in universities, factories and fields, as well as play an active role in the movements of women, oppressed nationalities and other marginalized groups.

An Alternative
Idea

0.0s

Revolutionary politics entails the construction of a political idea around which strategic choices and tactical alliances can revolve. Building such an idea requires disciplined conceptual labour, keeping in view the material conditions of society and the contingencies of the political situation.


Through its propaganda and terror, the state has derailed all discussions of building a new idea that can finally orient us towards a political resolution of our crises. We must begin our work with rebuilding revolutionary political thought.


Our new party is being formed at the intersection of three different lineages, each with a glorious history of its own.

0.0s

  • The nationalist movements of
    oppressed nationalities who have
    bravely resisted the centralization of
    state power as well as the
    militarization of our society.     details,
    and give just the right amount of
    information to get the audience
    hooked.
  • The socialist movement that
    has persistently raised the issue
    of exploited classes and has
    advocated a new society
    premised on worker control
  • The new social movements such
    as students, women,
    environmentalists and others that
    are alerting us to the increasing
    violence against specific sections of
    humanity as well as the existential
    threat posed to our communities and
    planet.

These traditions share many things in common but also have stark differences.


This is nothing to worry about. The uneven development of capitalism, the prejudice of state and society and the
disparate histories that underpin our polity propel divergences in social, economic and political development of
different parts and sectors of the country. A political party is an ideal platform to debate these internal
differences in order to build a shared political project against this decadent system. Without a recognition of
these differences, our politics will remain disconnected from the totality of oppression in the country.


But without commonality and unity, we will be unable to construct a powerful alternative against our common
enemies. We therefore propose the coming together of three principles that can bring our people together with
aim of building genuinely popular sovereignty, equality and peace. These three principles correspond with three
distinct concepts: federalism, socialism and democracy.

One of the founding
tragedies of the Pakistani
state has been the
increasing centralization of
power by the center and
the military. To address this
move towards
centralisation, we propose
the following:

  • Recognizing Pakistan as federal democratic polity consisting of multiple
    nationalities. The party     envisions a relation of mutual respect and cooperation
    between the different nationalities.
  • All federation units will have complete autonomy in their internal affairs. Only
    defense, currency, foreign relations and trans-provincial projects will be the
    responsibility of the center. All other powers will be transferred to the
    federating units.
  • Acknowledging all regional languages as national languages in order to
    protect and promote them. In this regard, primary schooling will be offered in
    the mother tongue, along with Urdu and English.
  • Demilitarizing border regions and urban centers. No federal force to be
    deployed in provinces without the explicit request of the federating unit.
  • Strengthening organic and historical ties of Pakistan’s nationalities with ethnic
    groups across the region. This requires fostering links of ethnic groups beyond
    the borders as an economic and diplomatic opportunity rather than viewing
    them a security threat.
  • Constituting a truth and reconciliation commission to hear the grievances of
    oppresse nationalities and chart a common path forward.

The struggle for democracy is the form isn which revolutionary
movements have expressed themselves politically in Pakistan.
Therefore, any radical politics must insist on strengthening
democracy as a means to build a viable political alternative.
However, our concept of democracy must not be restricted to
the electoral arena.


  • Our party must focus on democratizing society by building and
    strengthening institutions that can facilitate the forging of the
    people’s will. These include trade unions, workers’ committees,
    student unions, farmers associations, women’s organizations,
    and other groups and associations that can challenge
    authoritarianism in society. To further this cause, we propose
    the following:

Democracy

  • Defending the supremacy of elected houses against the illegal interference by
    coercive     apparatuses of the state.
  • Ensuring the participation of the broadest sections of society in the electoral
    process. Strict limitation of campaign finance in order to encourage middle
    and working class candidates to participate in the electoral arena.
  • Ensuring representation of women in the parliament and in the party. Striking
    off all laws that discriminate against women and making policies that ensure
    maximum participation of women in the social, economic and political life of
    the country. Repealing all discriminatory laws against minorities and ensure
    adequate representation within the party and the parliament. Formulate
    policies and campaigns aimed at defeating prejudice and discrimination
    against minority communities.
  • Encouraging unionization in factories and universities across the country.
    Ensure maximum participation in unions as a basic step for building strong
    democratic tradition.
  • Building a strong local government system that cannot be dismissed by
    provincial or federal governments. Equipping local governments with adequate
    funds and authorities to resolve local issues.
  • Building robust and independent systems of accountability for
    parliamentarians, military officers, bureaucrats and judges who violate the law
    of the land or abuse their authority.
  • Strengthening the Election Commission to prevent electoral fraud and
    rigging.
  • Ensuring maximum freedom of dissent for media, academia, citizens and
    opposition. Civil liberties of all, particularly those opposed to the government,
    must be defended.
  • Protecting the right of assembly as the most essential expression of
    democracy.

Socialism

Capitalism is a system in perpetual crisis globally. It has
privileged the profits of few individuals over the lives of millions
of people and the sustainability of the planet. Globally, the 8
richest families own far more wealth than the poorest 50
percent of the population. In Pakistan, inequality has
consistently risen over the past few decades, widening the gulf
between those who own resources and those who are left with
nothing but their labour-power to sell.


Socialism is a commitment to the empowerment of working
people through a radical redistribution of wealth as well as
planning the economy to meet human needs rather than
creating unbridled profits.


  • Moreover, the problem of climate change can only be resolved
    through state planning as the endless pursuit of resources for
    profits is undermining the conditions of our existence on this
    planet. These principles are also enshrined in our Constitution,
    which affirms a commitment to ending exploitation, reducing
    class difference and ensuring welfare to all citizens. In this
    regard we propose the following measures:
  • Radically reducing wasteful expenditures, including non-combat
    expenditures on military, as well     as on administrative perks. Removing
    military from economic activities in order to promote professionalism in
    armed forces and transparency in the economy.
  • Cancelling all the odious debt incurred by former rulers and renegotiate
    deals with international financial institutions.
  • Reviving the Planning Commission of Pakistan to build an industrial plan
    to improve productivity of essential goods and services, as well as full
    employment in Pakistan.
  • Suppressing speculation by regulating banks and imposing heavy
    taxation on the real estate sector.
  • Encouraging investment in infrastructure that improves everyday life
    and ensures environmental sustainability of our cities, transport
    infrastructure and food production systems.
  • Protecting small farmers and peasants from creditors and corporate
    interests, ban housing societies on agricultural land and institute land
    reforms for radical land redistribution. Facilitate fair prices for farmers
    as well as strengthening local control over food systems, promoting
    access to nutritious food for all at local markets.
  • Imposing progressive taxation in order to generate sufficient funds for
    health, education and infrastructure.
  • Providing regional autonomy to all federating units to sustainably
    manage and control their own     land and resources.
  • Strictly implementing labour laws at workplaces, including the right to
    social security welfare schemes, living wage and protection from sexual
    harassment.
  • Renegotiating all contracts with foreign companies and countries,
    keeping in view the interests of ordinary people in Pakistan.
  • Ensuring participation of workers, farmers, students, women, minorities
    and other marginalized segments of society in key economic decision-
    making and planning.
  • The companies that continue to violate labour and environmental laws
    must be penalized, and in cases of repeated violations must be taken
    over for serving the public good.
  • All economic policy must be oriented toward meeting human needs,
    increasing the living standards of people and ensuring a safe and
    inhabitable planet for generations to come.